Every social or political movement develops internal friction. The fatherhood movement is no exception.

"When the history is written on the modern fatherhood movement, we will all be surprised to learn about the role of the custody issue in shaping that movement," says Don Eberly, chairman of the National Fatherhood Initiative, one of the leading fatherhood organizations.

For the past few years, that group has attempted to raise cultural consciousness about the importance of fatherhood, with the goal of reducing fatherlessness. Its most recent accomplishment: The U.S. House of Representatives has launched the Congressional Fatherhood Promotion Task Force, a bipartisan collaboration with the Fatherhood Initiative.

The fatherhood movement's goals have, so far, been broad and inclusive. But increasingly, the movement is split between two camps: the umbrella of organizations that promote better fatherhood, and the sub-movement of fathers' rights, which focuses on the aftermath of divorce.

"Every social movement in history has been motivated by highly energetic people," says Eberly. "While the energies of some of us have been focused on turning male parents into more committed, deeper fathers, I have to say the most motivated people out there are the fathers' rights activists," men resentful of what they consider the abuses of the court system toward divorced fathers.

Eberly, like many of the fatherhood movement's leaders, is not quite sure what to make of this. On the one hand, he believes that many grievances of the fatherhood rights activists are legitimate. And he respects the fact that fathers' rights advocates have had some moderate success with court reform, and in challenging our cultural language. "One example is the media's recent transition from using the term 'deadbeat dad' to the more accurate 'deadbeat parent,' " he said.

That change, though not universal, "happened as quickly as it did for one reason: There is a very active and alert group of divorced dads out there that refuse to be painted into the corner."

On the other hand, some fathers' rights activists pose a strategic challenge to the fatherhood movement. While many are constructive and reasonable, others believe that when it comes to confronting court abuses of fathers, patience is far from a virtue. They use rougher tactics: Internet name-calling (even of fatherhood advocates they don't feel are sufficiently concerned about custody issues), misogynist e-mail harassment, and loud confrontations at public gatherings or courtrooms.

Indeed, Eberly believes the rage that motivates some fathers' rights activists, however justifiable, could alienate many public figures, and damage the overall movement?just as the Black Panthers arguably detoured the civil rights movement.

For instance, he says some staffers for Texas Gov. George W. Bush (a potential presidential contender) are now reluctant "to participate in broader fatherhood programming" because the fatherhood movement is so associated with strident fathers' rights activists.

Some fathers' rights groups have recognized the problem. For instance, Fathers' Rights and Equality Exchange, which promotes the premise that both fathers and mothers should share equally in the parenting and support of their children, emphasizes in its literature that it is "not an `angry men's' organization. The Foundation is active, and vocal, but we are not confrontational. The Foundation does not demonstrate or 'court watch.'"

But David Levy, president of the highly respected Children's Rights Council, formed in 1985 by parents concerned with divorce reform, cautions that such stridency is useful.

"I've been attacked by some fathers' rights groups for not being in favor of sole father custody," he says. "I would say there is a radical split, but the radicals do a lot of good. They yell and scream at legislators and media and we come in behind them and say you've heard from them, now hear from us. The fact is that they're out there waking people up to a divorce system that does not recognize that children need two parents whenever possible.'

Levy points to a federally funded study conducted at Arizona Statue University which found that most fathers in divorce cases don't voluntarily walk away from their children, but do feel pushed away or shoved away by the system. "Unless you've been involved in it personally, it's hard to imagine how cruel it can be."

Eberly says his organization has yet to decide how to address custody issues and fathers' rights activists. "We recognize that many of their arguments are valid, and that some judges do unfairly presume that the mother should get custody, and we can't exclude a whole class of dads," he says. "But it bothers us to think that for some fatherhood groups, divorced fathering is their only concern about fatherhood."

He prefers the long-term approach of prevention: programs and education that will strengthen existing marriages and prepare young people to become good parents and spouses. His goals are to prevent bad marriages from happening in the first place, support good parents and help keep them together. Most of all, he wants to educate people, male and female, about the joys and responsibilities of fatherhood. "In a more ideal world, not a perfect one, we would have fewer custody rights cases." And a lot less rage.